Saffron
Dollar May-July 2004
Campaign To Stop Funding Hate
July 20, 2004
Dear friends,
This edition of Saffron Dollar, May-July 2004 covers
the period following the shocking electoral defeat of the BJP led
NDA government in Mayís general elections. Doubtless, this is a
postive development for all peace-loving people dedicated to a
secular, and
harmonious India. We examine the results and their implications
in four important states: Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Kerala and Tamil
Nadu.
However we start this edition with a personal account of an important
initiative organized by ANHAD, called the Youth Aman Karwan (Youth
for Peace), which took dozens of students throughout India promoting
secularism and decrying the divisive violent agendas of the Sangh
Parivar. We welcome your feedback on this and other related issues,
as well as similar short contributions. Do write us at news@stopfundinghate.org
Contents:
1) Youth Aman Karwan - a personal account.
2) Election Verdict 2004 – To what extent was it a vote against
Hindutva? A
brief summary of implications for four important states.
YOUTH AMAN KARWAN – personal account from a young reader [We
welcome your
contributions – please send them to us at news@stopfundinghate.org]
The trip started on the 7th of April with 27 students from all over
the country.
It was organized by Youth for Peace, a group started under the banner
of Anhad.
The students were accompanied by the well-known social activist Shabnam
Hashmi.
About 40 cities all over the country were visited. The agenda of
the trip was
to voice our views and spread the word against the Sangh parivaar
ideology as
far and wide as possible. The trip was organized by various local
organizations. There were people joining and leaving the Karwan as
their
schedules permitted and by the end of the trip there were 35 students.
The
programme began with an intensive two day workshop about the politics
of India
and the politics of Youth 4 Peace.There were many problems and many
enriching
experiences.
My "15 days of political training" was not political training
alone- I learnt a
lot more than that. There were both good and not so good things.
One learnt
about ones own's limitations and other's shortcomings. The most significant
lesson in the whole trip was the dynamics of the workings of peoples
minds. Two
things that came out during all the public meetings and press conferences
were
that it is very difficult for most people to accept young students
talking
sense. Either they don't take you seriously or they try and put the
blame on
some grown up around you. During the trip there were instances of
people saying
to Shabnam Hashmi 'why are you "polluting" these young
minds?!' I wondered and
questioned the lady as to why young people cannot have sensible things
to say -
she obviously did not have an answer. So I ask you is experience
in age is all
that counts? I have always found this problematic and have always
been amazed
at the way youngsters thoughts and feelings are always disregarded
or
dismissed. and this too after people constantly claim that the younger
generations are the future and they are the ones who are going to
take the
country/world forward.
The other problem was the media expecting us to make similar statements.
They seem to completely over rule the essential point i.e. young people
voicing
their opinions against something they find wrong and not necessarily
having all
the answers. Though one might see these as contradictory statements
I see them
as a part of the original statement about knowing ones own and others'
limitations. We are students who have for various reasons taken a
political
stand against a specific ideology which is propagated and enforced
by a
political party. We see that as the greatest threat to our identity
and freedom
and thus choose to oppose it.
We are still in the process of being formed as individuals and do
not know the answers to all the questions or the perfect solution
to all the problems (though I doubt that is ever possible). Why can
our thoughts not
be taken
seriously for their own worth, instead of trying to distort them
into a
propaganda of one party against another?! I see it as having two
evils to
choose from and we choose to oppose the greater evil and support
the lesser
evil. I don't know how 'right' or 'wrong' this is, but I believe
it is
definitely a step towards removing the larger evil of fascism which
is
threatening to take over our individual spaces, our freedom of expression.
The
Baroda incident is an entire chapter in itself and since I was not
personally
present I choose not to add that though I saw the footage of that
incident and
just watching it was harrowing enough. The attack strengthened the
belief and
the urgency for the need of our trip.
On the whole the entire trip was extremely educational, we gained
confidence, political clarity and a lot of exposure and we definitely
made many friends. By
the end of it everyone was very keen about starting Youth 4 Peace
branches in
their own cities and do similar work. But for administrative and
other reasons
that is not necessarily a very feasible option that is why every
one who was
part of the trip has decided to go back to their cities and work
against
communalism in the organizations and institutes that they are attached
to.
2) Is the electoral defeat of the NDA a new beginning for secularism?
We take a brief look at the outcomes in four states, Gujarat, Kerala,
Uttar Pradesh and
Tamil Nadu.
a.Gujarat
The recovery of the Congress in Gujarat is indeed welcome news.
In a State where
just a little more than a year ago, the BJP had won a landslide Assembly
poll, news that the Congress had won 12 of the 26 seats, conceding
only 14 to the BJP
was indeed big news. The crucial question however is as to whether
this
reversal in electoral fortunes can be seen as a victory for secularism
-- a new
beginning for the anti-communal forces in the State.
Indeed it is true that it is a new beginning for the anti-communal
forces in Gujarat. However, we should also interpret this reversal
with some caution. Some of the important aspects of the 2004 Gujarat
elections are as follows:
1. If in the 2002 elections the Congress had been routed in its
old stronghold of Central Gujarat, this election has seen a remarkable
recovery with the
Congress winning half of the seats in its lost stronghold of Central
Gujarat.
2. The 2002 BJP landslide victory was enabled in large part because
they won in Central Gujarat which incidentally was also the core carnage-affected
area.
If one looks carefully at Gujarat electoral fortunes prior to the
2002
elections, you find a gradual decline in fortunes, especially in
local
elections. Within a long term trend, thus the carnage and the 2002
election can
be seen as a swing away from a trend -- a mandate induced by fear
rather than
hate in large part because of the intense polarization caused by
the carnage.
Thus Modi did win in the short term but even the intense polarization
was not
enough to keep other issues such as the economy at bay. Thus, we
can say that
the Gujarat election result is a recovery of a non-communal space
in Gujarat
that had been lost to the polarization. However, in as much as the
polarization
did happen, the question is how complete and how effective is this
recovery.
For the non-communal forces in Gujarat then, this is a space that
has been
recovered and whether we are able to consolidate the space or not
is a matter
of the work that is done under the new regime.
b.Kerala
Although the Left parties recorded a historic victory in Kerala
by winning 19
out of the 20 Lok Sabha seats, the dramatic figures conceal equally
dramatic
political shifts. The clue to this lies in the fact that for the
first time in
the history of the Lok Sabha, there is no Congress representative
from Kerala.
And for the first time since independence, the BJP-led NDA candidate
won a Lok
Sabha seat from Kerala. The Congress defeat and the BJP gain in voteshare
from
6.56% to 10.09%, it appears, are related phenomena. Former chief
minister A.K.
Anthony’s soft Hindutva line has clearly strengthened the rightwing
forces
while the state’s vacillation on issues ranging from the Asian
Development Bank
loan, the Muthanga adivasi struggle, and the Marad communal issue
have all
benefited the LDF.
Political analysts point out that the NDA candidate’s victory
at Muvattupuzha by 529 votes did not necessarily indicate the growth
of the BJP because the
candidate, P. C. Thomas, was nurtured earlier by the veteran Kerala
Congress leader, K. M. Mani. However, the Hindutva gain certainly
reflects how the BJP has built upon Congress ideology (soft Hindutva),
Congress party organization
(splintered but holding local pockets that the BJP can capture) and
neoliberal
conservatism (so evident in the Christian belt, where communal polarization
makes sense since Christian denominations are battling each other
anyway).
c.Uttar Pradesh
In a significant result, the BJP lost the election in the populous
state of
Uttar Pradesh. Compared to the election results in1999, the BJP lost
19 seats.
The BJP lost in the temple towns of Ayodhya (Faizabad constituency),
Mathura
(where it came a distant fourth) and Varanasi. The loss of the Varanasi
seat is
particularly significant since the BJP has held the seat since 1991.
For a
party that captured power solely on the basis of the Ram temple issue,
this
indeed was a big slap from the electorate. In the 1999 election,
the BJP
suffered a 'shock' defeat and captured only about 27% of the votes.
It now has
a less than 20% voteshare and less than 15% seats in Uttar Pradesh.
In addition, prominent right-wing BJP ideologues that lost in UP
are saffron
minister Murli Manohar Joshi (Allahabad), former Union Minister
Minister of
State for Home Swami Chinmayanad (came fourth in Jaunpur) and Bajrang
Dal heavyweight and state BJP president Vinay Katiyar
(came third in Lakhimpur).
Is this the beginning of the end of the BJP? It seems that the hindutva
agenda
is losing its appeal given the loss of very prominent ideologues
and
consituencies.
d.Tamil Nadu
Jayalalitha's AIADMK and its ally the BJP were completely swept
out of power in Tamil Nadu in the 2004 elections. Right after the
debacle, Jayalalitha reversed a number of policies made by her government,
such as anti-conversion law, the
withdrawals of defamation cases against the media and tesma (Tamil
Nadu
Essential Services Maintenance Act) cases against political rivals,
dropping of
disciplinary action against government employees and removing the
income
ceiling in the ration card system. These policy reversals seemed
to have
slightly turned the tide against her. After being aligned with the
congress and subsequently with the BJP, perhaps it is time for 'amma'
to rethink her
alliance building and anti-people politics. Either way, the unmistakable
message is from the electorate has been: "Keep religion off
politics."